Rodne socioekonomske nejednakosti u intimnim vezama: predstavljanje GSEI indeksa

Inspired by the materialist feminist theoretical approach, this study starts from an underlying assumption that research of gender socioeconomic inequalities in intimate relationships requires the analysis of specific variables that constitute the socioeconomic status of intimate partners. Based on five indicators relevant for contemporary Croatian society, the GSEI index was constructed and applied to a representative sample of Croatian women in intimate relationships. The results showed significant gender socioeconomic inequalities between intimate partners, mostly in favour of men. The highest level of inequality between intimate partners was discovered with regard to real-estate ownership, whereas the highest level of equality between partners was found in their level of education. Although socioeconomic inequalities between intimate partners in favour of men prevail regardless of the geographic and social context, they are more pronounced in regions with more traditional values, among couples who live in rural areas, and among those who are married (in comparison with those who live in domestic partnership). A recommendation for further research and GSEI index application is to consider which are the relevant indicators for measuring gender socioeconomic inequalities in intimate relationships depending on the wider social context.Inspirirana materijalističkim feminističkim teorijskim pristupom, ova studija polazi od temeljne pretpostavke da istraživanje rodnih socioekonomskih nejednakosti u intimnim vezama zahtijeva analizu specifičnih varijabli za mjerenje socioekonomskog statusa intimnih partnera. Na temelju pet pokazatelja relevantnih za suvremeno hrvatsko društvo, konstruiran je GSEI indeks i primijenjen na reprezentativnom uzorku žena u intimnim vezama u Hrvatskoj. Rezultati su pokazali značajne rodne socioekonomske nejednakosti među intimnim partnerima, uglavnom u korist muškaraca. Najviša razina nejednakosti među intimnim partnerima utvrđena je u vlasništvu nekretnina, dok je najniža razina nejednakosti među partnerima utvrđena kod razine obrazovanja. Iako socioekonomske nejednakosti među intimnim partnerima u korist muškaraca prevladavaju bez obzira na geografski i društveni kontekst, one su izraženije u regijama s tradicionalnijim vrijednostima, među parovima koji žive u ruralnim područjima i onima koji su u braku (u usporedbi s onima koji žive u izvanbračnim zajednicama). Preporuka za daljnja istraživanja i primjenu GSEI indeksa jest da je potrebno uzeti u obzir koji su relevantni pokazatelji za mjerenje socioekonomskih nejednakosti u intimnim odnosima, ovisno o širem društvenom kontekstu

Ökonomische Gewalt gegen Frauen in intimen Beziehungen in der kroatischen Gesellschaft – konzeptuelle Voraussetzungen

Rad govori o fenomenu ekonomskog nasilja nad ženama od strane njihovih intimnih partnera u modernom društvu, jednom od najmanje istraživanog oblika nasilja nad ženama u obitelji, ali i u intimnim vezama općenito. Nakon razmatranja fenomena nasilja nad ženama kao oblika društvenog djelovanja povezanog s rodnim nejednakostima u odnosima moći, objašnjava se pojam ekonomskog nasilja, njegovi pojavni oblici, posljedice i rizični faktori za njegovo nastajanje. Ukazuje se na problem ekonomske ovisnosti žene o njezinom partneru te na povezanost ekonomske ovisnosti i nasilja nad ženom u obitelji. Daje se također i osvrt na prava žena s ciljem ukazivanja na područja kršenja ženskih prava zlostavljanih žena. Slijedi pregled nekolicine istraživanja nasilja nad ženama u Hrvatskoj s posebnim naglaskom na rezultate vezane uz ekonomsko nasilje. Na kraju se daje i kratki pregled teorija, odnosno eksplanatornih okvira za nasilje u obitelji i u intimnim vezama s posebnim osvrtom na tzv. socijalno-ekološki okvir.The paper discusses the phenomenon of economic violence against women by their intimate partners in modern society, one of the least researched aspects of domestic violence against women and in intimate relationships in general. First, the phenomenon of violence against women is examined as a form of social act connected with gender inequalities within power relations. Then, the term of economic violence is explained, with its forms, consequences and risk factors. The problem of economic dependence of women on their partners is emphasized as well as the connection between economic dependence and domestic violence against women. Furthermore, an overview of women’s rights is given in order to point to the areas in which women’s rights of abused women are violated. Th is is followed by several researches in violence against women in Croatia, with special emphasis on results connected with economic violence. In the end, a short overview of theories is given, i.e. explanatory frameworks for domestic violence and in intimate relationships, with particular emphasis on so called socio-ecological framework.In der vorliegenden Arbeit ist die Rede vom Phänomen der ökonomischen Gewalt gegen Frauen von ihren intimen Partnern in der modernen Gesellschaft, es geht um eine Form der Gewalt gegen Frauen in der Familie und in intimen Beziehungen generell, die am wenigsten erforscht wurde. Nach der Betrachtung des Phänomens der Gewalt gegen Frauen als eine Art gesellschaftliche Tätigkeit verbunden mit Gender-Ungleichheiten in Machtverhältnissen, wird der Begriff der ökonomischen Gewalt erklärt, seine Erscheinungsformen, Folgen und Risikofaktoren für deren Entstehung. Es wird auf das Problem der ökonomischen Abhängigkeit der Frau von ihrem Partner hingewiesen, sowie auf die Verbindung der ökonomischen Abhängigkeit und der Gewalt gegen Frauen in der Familie. Auch Frauenrechte werden in Betracht gezogen, mit dem Ziel, auf die Gebiete der Verletzung der Frauenrechte von misshandelten Frauen hinzuweisen. Es folgt ein Überblick der Forschung der Gewalt gegen Frauen in Kroatien, mit Betonung auf den Ergebnissen, die an die ökonomische Gewalt gebunden sind. Zum Schluss wird ein kurzer Überblick der Theorien bzw. explanatorische Rahmen für Gewalt in der Familie und in intimen Beziehungen gegeben mit einem extra Hinblick auf den sog. sozioökologischen Rahmen

Ökonomische Gewalt gegen Frauen in intimen Beziehungen in der kroatischen Gesellschaft – konzeptuelle Voraussetzungen

Rad govori o fenomenu ekonomskog nasilja nad ženama od strane njihovih intimnih partnera u modernom društvu, jednom od najmanje istraživanog oblika nasilja nad ženama u obitelji, ali i u intimnim vezama općenito. Nakon razmatranja fenomena nasilja nad ženama kao oblika društvenog djelovanja povezanog s rodnim nejednakostima u odnosima moći, objašnjava se pojam ekonomskog nasilja, njegovi pojavni oblici, posljedice i rizični faktori za njegovo nastajanje. Ukazuje se na problem ekonomske ovisnosti žene o njezinom partneru te na povezanost ekonomske ovisnosti i nasilja nad ženom u obitelji. Daje se također i osvrt na prava žena s ciljem ukazivanja na područja kršenja ženskih prava zlostavljanih žena. Slijedi pregled nekolicine istraživanja nasilja nad ženama u Hrvatskoj s posebnim naglaskom na rezultate vezane uz ekonomsko nasilje. Na kraju se daje i kratki pregled teorija, odnosno eksplanatornih okvira za nasilje u obitelji i u intimnim vezama s posebnim osvrtom na tzv. socijalno-ekološki okvir.The paper discusses the phenomenon of economic violence against women by their intimate partners in modern society, one of the least researched aspects of domestic violence against women and in intimate relationships in general. First, the phenomenon of violence against women is examined as a form of social act connected with gender inequalities within power relations. Then, the term of economic violence is explained, with its forms, consequences and risk factors. The problem of economic dependence of women on their partners is emphasized as well as the connection between economic dependence and domestic violence against women. Furthermore, an overview of women’s rights is given in order to point to the areas in which women’s rights of abused women are violated. Th is is followed by several researches in violence against women in Croatia, with special emphasis on results connected with economic violence. In the end, a short overview of theories is given, i.e. explanatory frameworks for domestic violence and in intimate relationships, with particular emphasis on so called socio-ecological framework.In der vorliegenden Arbeit ist die Rede vom Phänomen der ökonomischen Gewalt gegen Frauen von ihren intimen Partnern in der modernen Gesellschaft, es geht um eine Form der Gewalt gegen Frauen in der Familie und in intimen Beziehungen generell, die am wenigsten erforscht wurde. Nach der Betrachtung des Phänomens der Gewalt gegen Frauen als eine Art gesellschaftliche Tätigkeit verbunden mit Gender-Ungleichheiten in Machtverhältnissen, wird der Begriff der ökonomischen Gewalt erklärt, seine Erscheinungsformen, Folgen und Risikofaktoren für deren Entstehung. Es wird auf das Problem der ökonomischen Abhängigkeit der Frau von ihrem Partner hingewiesen, sowie auf die Verbindung der ökonomischen Abhängigkeit und der Gewalt gegen Frauen in der Familie. Auch Frauenrechte werden in Betracht gezogen, mit dem Ziel, auf die Gebiete der Verletzung der Frauenrechte von misshandelten Frauen hinzuweisen. Es folgt ein Überblick der Forschung der Gewalt gegen Frauen in Kroatien, mit Betonung auf den Ergebnissen, die an die ökonomische Gewalt gebunden sind. Zum Schluss wird ein kurzer Überblick der Theorien bzw. explanatorische Rahmen für Gewalt in der Familie und in intimen Beziehungen gegeben mit einem extra Hinblick auf den sog. sozioökologischen Rahmen

Construction and evaluation of scales for measuring recognition and experiences of economic violence against women in intimate relationships

Ekonomskom nasilju nad ženama u ovom je radu teorijski pristupljeno prvenstveno iz perspektive feminističkih teorija, a glavni teorijski koncepti o faktorima povezanim s ekonomskim nasiljem operacionalizirani su koristeći tzv. socijalno-ekološki model. Nasilje u ovom radu definiramo kao obrasce ponašanja koji imaju za cilj demonstraciju moći, zastrašivanje, prisilnu kontrolu i ugnjetavanje osobe nad kojom se ono vrši, a ekonomsko nasilje kao ponašanja kojima nasilnik ograničava, kontrolira i iskorištava ženine ekonomske resurse i potencijale. Glavni cilj rada je konstrukcija i evaluacija skala za mjerenje prepoznavanja i iskustava različitih oblika ekonomskog nasilja nad ženama u intimnim vezama, a dodatni ciljevi su konceptualni opis ekonomskog nasilja te iznošenje empirijskih podataka o faktorima socijalno-ekološkog modela povezanim s ekonomskim nasiljem. Empirijsko istraživanje provedeno je mješovitom metodologijom, tj. kombinacijom dubinskih intervjua i fokus grupa na tri skupine žena te potom metodom ankete na reprezentativnom uzorku žena koje imaju minimalno jednu godinu iskustva suživota s intimnim partnerom, s posebnom pažnjom posvećenom istraživačkoj etici i metodologiji istraživanja nasilja nad ženama. Na temelju rezultata kvalitativnog istraživanja i uvida u postojeću literaturu konstruirane su četiri skale iskustava i jedna skala prepoznavanja ekonomskog nasilja. Evaluacija skala pokazala je da su dvije skale iskustava ekonomskog nasilja multidimenzionalne. Za sve konstruirane skale i subskale (njih ukupno 10) utvrđena je zadovoljavajuća valjanost i pouzdanost. U radu je potvrđena glavna hipoteza da će konstruirani instrumenti (skale) pouzdano i valjano mjeriti predviđene predmete mjerenja te izvedene hipoteze da se ekonomsko nasilje nad ženama u intimnim vezama manifestira u nekoliko međusobno povezanih skupina oblika, da se iskustva pojedinih oblika ekonomskog nasilja mogu objasniti čimbenicima s individualne razine, razine veze, zajednice te društva, kao i da se prepoznavanje ekonomskog nasilja može objasniti nekim sociodemografskim karakteristikama žena i njihovim vjerovanjem u mitove o nasilju nad ženama (ali ne i iskustvom nasilja). Utvrđeno je i da je najzastupljeniji oblik ekonomskog nasilja nad ženama onaj koji se odnosi na opće oblike ekonomskog nasilja, a koje je doživjelo 25,4% žena. Potom slijede oblici ekonomskog nasilja nakon prekida intimne veze (23,6% žena od bivših partnera), ponašanja kojima partner onemogućava ekonomsku neovisnost žene koja je zaposlena (20,1% zaposlenih žena) i ekonomsko nasilje vezano za uzdržavanje djece (8,1% žena koje zajedniĉki s partnerom uzdržavaju djecu). Oko jedne trećine žena slabo prepoznaje ekonomsko nasilje, nešto više od četvrtine ga prepoznaje osrednje, a oko 40% žena dobro prepoznaje ekonomsko nasilje.There are three scientific contributions of this thesis: methodological, conceptual and empirical. The main contribution is a methodological one: the construction and evaluation of scales for the measurement of women's experience and recognition of economic violence, which researchers of domestic violence and violence in intimate relationships will then be able to use in surveys conducted on samples of women in intimate relationships. The conceptual contribution is the discussion on current theories of causes of violence against women, with particular emphasis on feminist and gender inequality theories, as well as the analysis of the phenomenon of economic violence within the socio-ecological model. The empirical contribution is the identification of: 1) the prevalence of economic violence in a population of women who have a minimum of one year experience of cohabitation with their intimate partners; 2) the factors that are associated with economic violence; 3) the connections of economic violence with other forms of violence against women; and 4) how well women recognize economic violence. In this research, economic violence against women is theoretically approached primarily from the perspective of feminist theories, but major economic and sociological explanations of social inequalities are also taken into consideration, as well as major psychological and sociological explanations of causes of violence against women. The main theoretical conceptualization of factors associated with economic violence is operationalized using the so-called socio-ecological model. In the thesis, violence is defined as patterns of behavior with the aim to demonstrate power, intimidate, coerce control and oppress the person against whom it is intended, while economic violence is defined as behaviors that limit, control and exploit women's economic resources and potentials. Feminist theories assume that male violence against women is the result of patriarchal system and sexist values advocated and supported by the society and its institutions. Violence and abuse are methods that some men use to demonstrate their power and control their partners. Violence is seen as constructed, learned and award-winning behavior that serves to establish and maintain power and control of men over women. Previous studies on causes and factors associated with an increased risk of violence against women suggest that violence is determined by multiple factors. One of the most commonly used multi-dimensional models for their explanation is the so-called socio-ecological model. This model draws its theoretical roots from Bronfenbrenner's theory of individual's development, and the most popular applications in the explanation of causes and factors associated with violence against women are the ones by Bonnie Carlson (1984) and Lori Heise (1998 and 2011). When applied to the explanation of economic violence, the socio-ecological model assumes the following factors: 1. individual level: women's experience of violence in childhood by their parents, witnessing their fathers being violent against their mothers, partner's excessive alcohol consumption, partner's excessive gambling, and partner's unemployment, 2. relationship level: financial problems, family finances and the disposition of assets, as well as other important family decision-making, women's situational financial dependence on their partners, and the experience of physical, psychological and sexual violence by their intimate partners, 3. community level: the characteristics of the environment in which a couple lives, and social support, 4. society level: sexism, and social values. The main objective of this thesis was to construct and evaluate scales for the measurement of women's recognition and experience of various forms of economic violence in their intimate relationships, which can be applied in future survey research. Accordingly, we hypothesized that constructed instruments (scales) will reliably and validly measure the intended subjects of measurement. The indicators of experiences of economic violence were determined based on the results of qualitative research conducted using semi-structured in-depth interviews and focus groups, while most of the indicators for the recognition of economic violence were taken from the normative definition of economic violence in Croatian Law on Protection Against Domestic Violence. Qualitative research revealed that, with regards to the applicability criteria, we can distinguish four main forms of economic violence: 1. the general forms of economic violence that all women who live with their partners can potentially experience, 2. forms of economic violence that can only be experienced by employed women, 3. forms of economic violence related to children that can be experienced only by women who financially support their children together with their partners, 4. forms of economic violence that can occur only after the breakup of an intimate relationship. The first hypothesis of this thesis was confirmed: “Economic violence against women in intimate relationships is manifested in several related groups of forms.” In accordance with these findings, we constructed four scales of the experience of economic violence and one scale of its recognition, which were then included in the survey administered to a sample of women who have a minimum of one year experience of cohabitation with their current or former partners (married or unmarried). The results were then used to evaluate the constructed scales. The evaluation of the first scale - the scale of the general forms of economic violence - revealed that we can speak of three dimensions (and, consequently, three subscales) of the general forms of economic violence: economic exploitation (11 items), the control of spending (6 items) and the creation of financial dependence (9 items), but we can also construct the overall scale of the general forms of economic violence from all 26 items together. The evaluation of the second experiences scale - the scale of the prevention of economic independence of women - revealed that we can speak of two dimensions (and, consequently, two subscales) of the prevention of economic independence of women: indirect (5 items) and direct (3 items) prevention of economic independence, but we can also construct the overall scale of the prevention of economic independence of women from all 8 items together. The evaluation of the third scale of experiences - the scale of economic violence related to child support - showed that it is a one-dimensional scale consisting of three items. The evaluation of the fourth experience scale - the scale of economic violence after the breakup of an intimate relationship - also showed that it is a one-dimensional scale consisting of 8 items. The evaluation of the scale of the recognition of economic violence revealed that it is a one-dimensional scale consisting of 9 items. All scales have adequate content, construct and criterion validity, as well as satisfactory reliability. We can therefore conclude that the main working hypothesis of this thesis is confirmed: “Constructed instruments (scales) will reliably and validly measure the intended objects of measurement”. Empirical contributions of this thesis include the estimation of the prevalence of economic violence against women in intimate relationships, the determination of how well women recognize economic violence and the identification of factors associated with the experience and recognition of economic violence. Quantitative research (N=601) found that the most common forms of economic violence against women are the ones related to the general forms of economic violence, which are experienced by 25.4% of women who have a minimum of one year experience of living together with their partners. From three separate but closely connected dimensions of the general forms of economic violence, the most common are different behaviors of control over women's financial spending (21.5%), followed by women's economic exploitation (15.7%), as well as those behaviours that make women economically dependent on their partners (11.5%). The next form of economic violence is the one after the breakup of intimate relationships: 23.6% of women have experienced at least one (or more) economically violent behavior from their partners after the breakup of a relationship. This is followed by partners‟ behaviors that prevent economic independence of employed women, experienced by 20.1% of women. The last form of behavior is economic violence related to child support, which is experienced by 8.1% of women who financially support their children together with their partners. The factors associated with experiences of economic violence were analyzed at the levels developed in the theoretical discussion on the socio-ecological model - at each level separately at first and then at all the levels together. The results revealed that the most consistent predictors of different experiences of economic violence at the individual level are the following factors: woman's experience of physical abuse in their childhood by their parents, partner's alcohol consumption, and to some extent partner's excessive gambling. Additionally, at the relationship level, the most consistent predictors are the following factors: psychological violence against women by their partners, increased financial problems in the relationship (for the general forms of economic violence), as well as important family decision-making (which is not related to the distribution of family's finances and assets) by women themselves or by their partners, when compared to the relationships with equal decision-making. All of these factors are positively associated with experiences of economic violence. At the relationship level, we found that situational financial dependence of women on their partners is negatively associated with the form of economic violence defined as the control of financial spending. At the community level, several environmental characteristics are associated with particular forms of economic violence, such as the consequences of war, high crime rates and high unemployment rates, however, the most consistent predictor are problems associated with addiction (alcohol, drugs, etc.). We also found that most women with the experience of economic violence have good social support, which means that they talk to people who are close to them about problems they have with their partners. The predictors at the level of society are associated with the experience of some, although not all, forms of economic violence, and reveal a great importance of social values such as the faith in God and non-violence (both predictors are negatively associated with experiences of economic violence), as well as a great importance of social values such as solidarity and patriotism (both predictors are positively associated with experiences of economic violence). These findings support several theories that offer explanations of the causes of violence against women: social learning theory, theory of family stress, resource theory, feminist theories, theory of environmental stress and tension, and culture of violence theory. The findings from this research support the second hypothesis of this thesis: “Experiences of some forms of economic violence can be explained by the factors at the individual level, levels of relationship, community and society”. The recognition of economic violence was measured in a way that women were asked to evaluate economically violent behaviors for each of the nine given, according to whether these behaviours should be punishable by law. We found that, on average, women recognize five out of nine presented behaviors. In total, 21.7% of women considered all nine behaviors to be punishable by law, while 10.4% thought that none should be punishable by law, which means that they did not recognize any of these behaviors as forms of economic violence. Behaviors that were recognized by the least number of women as forms of economic violence were: making important financial decisions that concern both partners without mutual agreement (44.2%), and complete control over intimate partner's income (46.5%). Generally, about one-third of women don't really recognize economic violence, while slightly over a quarter recognizes it somewhat better, and about 40% of women recognize economic violence well. We found that better recognition of economic violence is associated with women's higher financial status, as well as high school as their highest level of education, while believing in myths about violence against women decreases the recognition of economic violence. Experiences of physical and economic violence are not associated with the recognition of economic violence. These findings only partially support the third hypothesis in this thesis: “The recognition of economic violence can be explained by some socio-demographic characteristics, believing in myths about violence against women and experiences of violence in an intimate relationship.”

Evaluation of Electronic Translation Tools Through Quality Parameters

In the paper, the difference of translation quality of texts obtained through traditional reference works and online electronic translation tools (corpus and multilingual terminology database) will be measured in three main categories: lexical, orthographic and punctuation; syntactically and stylistically using paired samples t-test. The translation was made with the support of electronic translation tools, using the example of a Slovenian bilingual corpus called Evrokorpus and the multilingual terminolog y database Evroterm. In the paper, the hypothesis that modern online translation tools contribute to the quality and consistency of expert translations, as well as to the acquisition of new competitive skills and knowledge is to be examined

Rape Myths Acceptance among Adolescents – A Longitudinal Mediation Analysis

Cilj je ove studije ispitati hipotezu o medijaciji neoseksističkih stavova adolescenata u odnosu uporabe seksualiziranih medija (uključujući pornografiju) i prihvaćanja mitova o silovanju. Analizirani podaci prikupljeni su u tri vala longitudinalnog istraživanja na uzorku učenika zagrebačkih srednjih škola (136 mladića i 326 djevojaka). Testirana hipoteza o medijaciji nije potvrđena, no ustanovljene su neke spolno-specifične longitudinalne povezanosti konzumacije medija i pornografije s neoseksističkim stavovima i prihvaćanjem mitova o silovanju. Utvrđeno je da je viši stupanj neoseksizma karakterističan za djevojke (no ne i mladiće), koje više prihvaćaju mitove o silovanju. Nadalje, uporaba pornografije i ostalih seksualiziranih medija većinom se nije pokazala prediktivnom za prihvaćanje mitova o silovanju, a ni za negativna uvjerenja o statusu žena u modernim društvima (neoseksizam). Iznimka su gledanje filmova i serija na televiziji i internetu, što je među mladićima bilo pozitivno povezano s većim stupnjem neoseksizma, te uporaba pornografije, koja je kod djevojaka bila negativno povezana s prihvaćanjem mitova o silovanju žena. Nalazi ove studije upućuju na važnost daljnjega proučavanja uporabe seksualiziranih medija među mladima i identificiranja čimbenika povezanih s prihvaćanjem mitova o silovanju, no uzimajući u obzir moguće moderatorske prinose obiteljske i vršnjačke socijalizacije adolescenata.This study explores whether neo-sexist attitudes mediate the association between sexualized media use (including pornography) and rape myths. In a 3-wave panel of Croatian high-school students (136 male and 326 female adolescents), the mediation hypothesis was not confirmed. Moreover, the association between neo-sexism and rape myths was conformed only among female adolescents (the average acceptance of neo-sexism was higher in male than female participants). Contrary to what was expected, pornography use – which was unrelated to neo-sexism – was negatively associated with rape myths in both male and female adolescents, although the relationship was statistically significant only among the latter. Among male participants, watching movies and sequels on television or the Internet was predictive for neo-sexist attitudes. This study\u27s findings point to the need of studying the use of sexualized media among adolescents to identify factors associated with trivialization and/or misinterpretation of sexual violence and aggression. Considering that adolescents differ in their susceptibility to the influence of media, future studies should focus on possible moderation effects of family and peer socialization

Was wollen die wohl noch? Die Entwicklung einer neuen Messskala für zeitgenössische Formen des Sexismus

Predrasude prema ženama, u obliku seksizma, tradicionalno su bile okarakterizirane zagovaranjem strogih rodnih uloga. No, uslijed kulturnih i političkih promjena posljednjih desetljeća, otvorena diskriminacija prema ženama postaje društveno neprihvatljiva, a seksizam preuzima nove, suvremene oblike koji često prolaze nezapaženo, tajno i skriveno. Cilj je ovoga rada konstruirati i evaluirati novu Skalu suvremenog seksizma koja će objediniti nekoliko do sad konceptualno razdvojenih oblika suvremenog seksizma, kao i neke sadržaje koji do sad nisu bili uključeni u postojeće skale suvremenih oblika seksizma. Oslanjajući se na tri tipa konceptualno-operacionalnih razrada suvremenog seksizma – moderni seksizam Swim i suradnica (1995), neoseksizam Tougas i suradnika (1995) te ambivalentni seksizam Glicka i Fiske (1996), konceptualno i operacionalno su razrađeni suvremeni seksistički stavovi u četiri temeljne sadržajne domene: 1. nijekanje postojanja daljnje diskriminacije žena; 2. antagonizam spram zahtjeva žena; 3. ogorčenje zbog posebnih pogodnosti koje žene dobivaju samo zbog toga što su žene; te 4. zamjeranje ženama zbog „preosjetljivosti“ na seksizam i seksualno uznemiravanje. Istraživanje je provedeno metodom ankete na prigodnom uzorku od 402 studentice i studenta različitih sastavnica Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. Konačnu inačicu Skale suvremenog seksizma (SSS) čini 27 čestica, a skala predstavlja jednodimenzionalan mjerni konstrukt. Na temelju provedenih analiza autori zaključuju da je SSS instrument visoke pouzdanosti te zadovoljavajuće sadržajne, kriterijske i konstruktne valjanosti i sugeriraju neke daljnje smjernice za njegovo korištenje u anketnim istraživanjima.Prejudice against women, in the form of sexism, has traditionally been characterized by advocating stricter gender roles. However, due to cultural and political changes in the recent decades, overt discrimination against women became socially unacceptable, so sexism is taking on new, contemporary forms that often go unnoticed and remain secret and hidden. The aim of this paper is to construct and evaluate a new Scale of contemporary sexism that will bring together several so far conceptually separated forms of contemporary sexism, as well as some topics that have not been included in the existing scales of contemporary forms of sexism. Relying on three types of conceptual and operational elaborations of contemporary sexism – modern sexism by Swim et al. (1995), neosexism by Tougas et al. (1995), and ambivalent sexism by Glick and Fiske (1996), we conceptualize and operationalize contemporary sexist attitudes according to four basic domains: 1. denial of the existence of continued discrimination against women; 2. antagonism towards women’s demands; 3. resentment of special benefits that women receive because they are women; and 4. resentment of women for their “hypersensitivity” to sexism and sexual harassment. The research was conducted using the survey method on a convenient sample of 402 students at the University of Zagreb. The final version of the Scale of Contemporary Sexism (SCS) is a one-dimensional measurement construct consisting of 27 particles. Based on the analyses, the authors conclude that SCS is an instrument of high reliability and satisfactory content, criterion, and constructive validity, and suggest some guidelines for its use in future survey research.Vorurteile den Frauen gegenüber in Form von Sexismus waren traditionell durch Befürwortung von strengen geschlechtsbedingten Rollen charakterisiert, aber infolge von kulturellen und politischen Änderungen in den letzten Jahrhzehnten wurde die offene Diskriminierung den Frauen gegenüber sozial unannehmbar und der Sexismus nimmt neue, moderne Formen an, die oft unbemerkt, geheim und versteckt bleiben. Das Ziel dieser Arbeit ist, eine neue Skala des modernen Sexismus zu konstruieren und evaluieren, die einige bisher konzeptuell getrennte Formen des modernen Sexismus vereint, sowie einige Inhalte, die bisher nicht in bestehende Skalen der modernen Formen des Sexismus eingeschlossen waren. In Anlehnung an drei Typen von konzeptuell-operationalen Ausarbeitungen des modernen Sexismus – der moderne Sexismus von Swim und Mitarbeiterinnen (1995), Neosexismus von Tougas und Mitarbeiterinnen (1995), sowie ambivalenter Sexismus von Glick und Fiske (1996), wurden konzeptuell und operational zeitgenössische sexistische Stellungnahmen in vier inhaltlichen Grunddomänen ausgearbeitet: 1. Negieren des Bestehens einer weiteren Frauendiskriminierung; 2. Antagonismus den Forderungen von Frauen gegenüber; 3. Erbitterung wegen Sondervorteilen, die Frauen zustehen, nur weil sie Frauen sind 4. Übel nehmen, weil Frauen auf Sexismus und sexuelle Belästigung „überempfindlich“ reagieren. Die Forschung wurde mit einer Umfrage an einem geeigneten Muster von 402 Studentinnen und Studenten verschiedener Fakultäten der Universität in Zagreb durchgeführt. Die Schlussvariante der Zeitgenössische Sexismus Skala (ZSS) bilden 27 Partikel und die Skala stellt ein eindimensinales Messkonstrukt dar. Aufgrund der durchgeführten Analysen kommen die Autoren zum Schluss, dass die ZSS ein Instrument von hoher Zuverlässigkeit ist, dass sie zufriedenstellende inhaltliche, kriterienbezogene und konstruktive Gültigkeit aufweist und sie schlagen weitere Richtlinien für deren Anwendung in weiteren Umfragen vor